Foundations of Social Order (Rushdoony)

RamistThomist

Puritanboard Assessor
Rushdoony, Rousas J. Foundations of Social Order: Studies in the Creeds and Councils of the Early Church. Ross House Books: Vallecito, CA, 1998.

Do not let the subtitle fool you. This book is not an exposition of early church creeds. Rather, it is a reflection upon some themes in the early church for the purpose of attacking current humanism and statism. To be sure, many of Rushdoony’s insights are quite fresh. They just are not relevant to patristic theology. For all of my criticisms of this book, and there will be many, it is mostly well-written and engaging. When he was at his best (think before 1973), Rushdoony was a good writer.

The book begins and ends, at least structurally, around the Apostles’ Creed. The middle of the book is a discussion (not exposition) of some tangents related to the Councils.

The opening chapter illustrates the problem with Rushdoony, and this problem is in every book he wrote. He gets the first part of a fact correct and then proceeds to draw inferences that are not there. For example, he argues that the Creed (whether Apostles’ or Nicene; it does not matter) is a specific historical creed. It affirms history (Rushdoony 6). That is true. But from that claim he makes a number of assertions that simply are not in the creed. For Rushdoony, because God is maker, there is a history. Because history is ordained by God, there is an eschatology. And if there is an eschatology, it must be postmillennialism. Whether you think that is true or not, you cannot get postmillennialism from the Nicene Creed.

Nicea

Nicea was the victor of history over imagination. Or so he thinks. Rushdoony does a good job rebutting Arius and tying Arius’s views in with modern neo-orthodoxy. He clinches the argument, noting that Arius’s Jesus, not being divine, cannot reveal the Father (10). All of this is quite good, but we get no actual exposition of the Creed.

Constantinople 381

Constantinople was the triumph of certainty against skepticism. Again, we have the same methodological problem. The fathers at Constantinople, while they were most certain about their conclusions, were not concerned with skepticism.

Ephesus: The Worship of Man Condemned

Rushdoony starts off well. Nestorius saw the Word as united to man, but not become man. But what he gives with one hand, he takes away with another. He asserts, “Nestorius was a humanist whose basic religious motive was man-worship” (37). This is very close to psychologizing. How does Rushdoony even know Nestorius’s motives?

Chalcedon

He is a quiz question: what was the purpose of the Council of Chalcedon? You probably answered with something like “clarify Christ’s two natures.” Rushdoony, while affirming that, would probably say, or in fact did say, “To hand statism its major defeat” (53). Even on a historical level, this claim would not be true for many centuries. The Byzantine emperor was not a Jeffersonian farmer.

Stated another way, for Chalcedon, “If the two natures of Christ were confused, it meant that the door was open to the divinizing of human nature; man and the state were potentially divine” (54). That might be an interesting reflection from Chalceon, but it is not what Chalcedon was discussing.

The Athanasian Creed: The One and the Many

If he gets other chapters wrong, he actually does a decent job in this chapter. He begins by correctly noting this Creed has nothing to do with Athanasius. Its language is entirely Augustinian. He correctly notes, and the ESS advocates today would do well to hear, that “the only subordination in the Trinity is economic and relative, not essential” (74).

Constantinople II

Rushdoony makes some claims that are either confusing or factually wrong. For one, “the true universal is the Triune God” (86). Does he mean that other universals (justice, goodness, horse, etc) are ruled out? It is not clear. He then claims “the universals of Scholasticism became the Hellenic ideas or forms” (87). If someone makes a claim like this, he is obligated to prove it by examples. Rushdoony, true to form, does no such thing. In any case, he is wrong. Etienne Gilson (God and Philosophy) regularly proved that the Scholastics saw God as being; whereas we have being by analogy.

Filioque and Icons

Since Reformed in the 20th century did a mostly bad job on the Trinity, and few dealt with the Filioque, we must credit Rushdoony for calling attention to it.

As to iconoclasm, on one hand Rushdoony holds that images of Christ are valid. On the other hand, he rejects Nicea II, rightly noting its similarities to paganism.

Conclusion

Every notable thing about Rushdoony is in this volume, for better or worse. When he gets the facts right, he almost always draws the wrong conclusion. At other times he is simply wrong. The student would do well to read this volume after reading many peer-reviewed volumes by actual patristic scholars.
 
Chalcedon

He is a quiz question: what was the purpose of the Council of Chalcedon? You probably answered with something like “clarify Christ’s two natures.” Rushdoony, while affirming that, would probably say, or in fact did say, “To hand statism its major defeat” (53). Even on a historical level, this claim would not be true for many centuries. The Byzantine emperor was not a Jeffersonian farmer.

Stated another way, for Chalcedon, “If the two natures of Christ were confused, it meant that the door was open to the divinizing of human nature; man and the state were potentially divine” (54). That might be an interesting reflection from Chalceon, but it is not what Chalcedon was discussing.

What a strange, dubious interpretation of Chalcedon. Your recommendation that one refer to patristic scholars first is wise:

"Since the peace of the church was clearly too important to be trusted to the bishops, effective presidency of the council was given to a committee of prestigious laymen who held either high-ranking posts in the imperial government or membership in the Constantinopolitan senate... Only the third session, the trial of Dioscorus, was chaired by the papal legates." (Price, The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, Vol. 1, pgs. 41, 90)

"The third session was the one session of the council that was chaired not by a lay official – in fact none of the officials and senators attended – but by a bishop, Paschasinus of Lilybaeum, the senior representative of Pope Leo… the more likely explanation is that the government wanted to give the impression that the trial of Dioscorus was not a show trial stage-managed by themselves. The parade of impartiality was pushed so far that at the following session the imperial representatives rebuked the bishops for condemning Dioscorus without reference to the emperor (IV.12)." (Price, The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, Vol. 1, pgs. 29-30)

"The emperor’s chief representative, the patrician Anatolius, who chaired this and most of the sessions of the council, proposed the setting up of a committee of bishops to draft a definition of the faith. The bishops responded with apparently unanimous opposition, which the chairman simply ignored, declaring that his proposal would be put into effect; this is a striking instance of the way that imperial policy rather than episcopal wishes dominated the proceedings of the council." (Price, The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, Vol. 2, pg. 1)

"The meeting began with the submission of a draft definition by the committee set up in the second session; this satisfied the great majority of the bishops, but was criticized by the Roman delegates and some of the Syrians for failing to teach unambiguously that there are two natures, Godhead and manhood, in Christ. The bishops were unimpressed by this criticism, but it was taken up by the imperial representatives who chaired the session. When deadlock ensued, the emperor was consulted, who told the bishops to agree to a suitable amendment of the draft, threatening otherwise to entrust the matter to a western council – that is, to a Roman council presided over by Pope Leo. The bishops yielded and the draft was accordingly amended, and approved by acclamation. The minutes bring out the politicization of doctrinal debate, with the result that the chief argument against the draft was that the disgraced Dioscorus could accept it, and the way in which even on a doctrinal issue episcopal wishes had to yield to imperial policy." (Price, The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, Vol. 2, pg. 183)
 
Whether you think that is true or not, you cannot get postmillennialism from the Nicene Creed.
I have read that "whose kingdom shall have no end" was intended specifically to exclude millennialism in that those who expect an earthly kingdom believe that kingdom must end at the judgment and destruction of the world before the creation of the new earth and new Jerusalem.
 
I have read that "whose kingdom shall have no end" was intended specifically to exclude millennialism in that those who expect an earthly kingdom believe that kingdom must end at the judgment and destruction of the world before the creation of the new earth and new Jerusalem.
They meant to exclude chiliasm. The debate is to what extent postmillennialism looks like chiliasm.
 
They meant to exclude chiliasm. The debate is to what extent postmillennialism looks like chiliasm.
So the unendingness of his kingdom would only coincidentally apply against postmillennialism because it was not originally comprehended when chilliasm was excluded in the crede?
 
So the unendingness of his kingdom would only coincidentally apply against postmillennialism because it was not originally comprehended when chilliasm was excluded in the crede?
Correct, but many forms of postmillennialism are similar to amillennialism, and it wouldn't apply against them.
 
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