History of the Christian Church (vol 1) Schaff

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Schaff, Philip. Apostolic Christianity A.D. 1-100. History of the Christian Church vol 1. Hendrickson Publishing.

I came to a realization halfway through reading this book: this is not so much a volume on early church history but a superb New Testament introduction. It has all the hallmarks of 19th century scholarship: optimism in American progress, warm spirituality, and opinionated conclusions. Because of that, it can never replace modern New Testament introductions, yet because of that it can never make for boring reading.

After introductory remarks concerning sources and method, Schaff surveys the apostolic period, beginning from most general (e.g., preparation for Christianity) to specific (actual analyses of New Testament books). He also covers Christian life and worship.

Schaff’s remarks on the New Testament books, while always interesting, are not the main focus of his review. Rather, we will focus on incidents that reveal his contemporary intellectual battles: e.g., the infallibility of the pope and liberal scholarship.

Peter and Rome

Schaff mounts a fairly impressive case for why Peter could not have been the first pope. By themselves, none of these points are conclusive. Taken together, they form a substantial problem for Petrine supremacy.
  1. It is unlikely Peter would have been bishop of Rome for twenty five years. He would have been largely absent from Syria and Palestine, which seems odd for the “apostle to the Hebrews” (261).
  2. Paul completely ignores him in his letter to Rome. This does not mean Peter was absent from Rome. It simply implies that Paul was just as important, if not more so.
  3. On the other hand, tradition has Peter at Rome. While it is only tradition, it is an old tradition and not easily dismissed. Taken with points (1) and (2), we may assume that Peter was simply a bishop: one among others, largely eclipsed by Paul.

19th Century Liberalism

For the most part, Protestant liberalism is to be feared and hated. Nonetheless, not all “liberals” (or better, critical scholars) are equally wrong. Some simply are interested in truth, not unbelief. To be sure, 19th century liberalism is not the most pressing issue for the church today, but the names are worth knowing. On the most extreme end we find D. F. Strauss and F.C. Baur, arguing, obviously absurdly, that parts of the New Testament were not written until the mid second century. Even if there is not much to recommend for Baur, one must acknowledge the legitimacy of historical inquiry. We are not gnostics. Time, space, and history are real.

In the ranks of the godly, pride of place goes to August Neander, whose work’s edifying character “naturally grows out of his conception of church history, viewed as a continuous revelation of Christ’s presence and power in humanity” (41).

An organic view of history

Schaff was not a Hegelian. Those who often raise that charge are generally clueless of what Hegel taught. Nonetheless, to be fair, it is easy to see why some would think he was a Hegelian. He spoke of an organic view of history. That in itself is not remarkable. Jesus compared himself to a vine, positing some organic relation between himself and his disciples, yet no one calls Jesus the first Hegel. Schaff, though, does seem to take the analogy a step further. Because the church is a body, it is organic. Because it is organic, so runs the sorites, it grows through a process (507).

Is this a problem? It clearly avoids the more obvious difficulties in Hegel, namely that of pantheism. Schaff is thus cleared of that charge. Is he correct? Here we must be more hesitant. Bold arguments from organic metaphors are dangerous. Not necessarily wrong, but one must urge caution. It is probably true there is a process to history (some form of predestination demands as much). Only a nihilist of Macbeth’s caliber would deny such a view. One gets in trouble, however, when one adopts a God’s-eye view of history and identifies key organic moments. To be fair, Schaff remains relatively free of that consequence.

Conclusion

Reading Schaff is like coming home to an old friend. He is warm and courageous, eschewing what would today be modern academic niceties. Even when he is wrong, he is refreshingly wrong.
 
Schaff is, in my opinion, still the best overall church historian. He is certainly my favorite. Pleasantly readable, historically comprehensive, positionally fair and circumspect, at times boldly but not unduly opinionated, and generally convincing - not to mention readily accessible.

Because the church is a body, it is organic. Because it is organic, so runs the sorites, it grows through a process (507). [...] Bold arguments from organic metaphors are dangerous. Not necessarily wrong, but one must urge caution.

Which, in perhaps taking this view too far, is how he got into trouble with the Mercersburg theology.
 
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Schaff was not a Hegelian. Those who often raise that charge are generally clueless of what Hegel taught. Nonetheless, to be fair, it is easy to see why some would think he was a Hegelian. He spoke of an organic view of history. That in itself is not remarkable. Jesus compared himself to a vine, positing some organic relation between himself and his disciples, yet no one calls Jesus the first Hegel. Schaff, though, does seem to take the analogy a step further. Because the church is a body, it is organic. Because it is organic, so runs the sorites, it grows through a process (507).

Is this a problem?

His idea of the progress of history is a problem. I will leave it to the philosophers to discuss what this progress means in terms of Hegelian thought, but for Protestantism it will lead to a future development that is disastrous for Protestant theology. Christianity one with nature and a complete identity of church and state will annihilate the doctrines of grace and mediatorial headship of Christ over the church. Development is not necessarily improvement, as Shedd insightfully points out. The tree with a bent branch veers on a horizontal plane, and even if it is fruit-bearing the fruit will be too heavy for the branch and eventually break it. This is how I view Schaff's idea of church history. Theology must grow in a certain direction -- mostly upward, slightly outward; and there is no useful progress which diverts it from this trajectory.
 
Schaff, Philip. Apostolic Christianity A.D. 1-100. History of the Christian Church vol 1. Hendrickson Publishing.

I came to a realization halfway through reading this book: this is not so much a volume on early church history but a superb New Testament introduction. It has all the hallmarks of 19th century scholarship: optimism in American progress, warm spirituality, and opinionated conclusions. Because of that, it can never replace modern New Testament introductions, yet because of that it can never make for boring reading.

After introductory remarks concerning sources and method, Schaff surveys the apostolic period, beginning from most general (e.g., preparation for Christianity) to specific (actual analyses of New Testament books). He also covers Christian life and worship.

Schaff’s remarks on the New Testament books, while always interesting, are not the main focus of his review. Rather, we will focus on incidents that reveal his contemporary intellectual battles: e.g., the infallibility of the pope and liberal scholarship.

Peter and Rome

Schaff mounts a fairly impressive case for why Peter could not have been the first pope. By themselves, none of these points are conclusive. Taken together, they form a substantial problem for Petrine supremacy.
  1. It is unlikely Peter would have been bishop of Rome for twenty five years. He would have been largely absent from Syria and Palestine, which seems odd for the “apostle to the Hebrews” (261).
  2. Paul completely ignores him in his letter to Rome. This does not mean Peter was absent from Rome. It simply implies that Paul was just as important, if not more so.
  3. On the other hand, tradition has Peter at Rome. While it is only tradition, it is an old tradition and not easily dismissed. Taken with points (1) and (2), we may assume that Peter was simply a bishop: one among others, largely eclipsed by Paul.

19th Century Liberalism

For the most part, Protestant liberalism is to be feared and hated. Nonetheless, not all “liberals” (or better, critical scholars) are equally wrong. Some simply are interested in truth, not unbelief. To be sure, 19th century liberalism is not the most pressing issue for the church today, but the names are worth knowing. On the most extreme end we find D. F. Strauss and F.C. Baur, arguing, obviously absurdly, that parts of the New Testament were not written until the mid second century. Even if there is not much to recommend for Baur, one must acknowledge the legitimacy of historical inquiry. We are not gnostics. Time, space, and history are real.

In the ranks of the godly, pride of place goes to August Neander, whose work’s edifying character “naturally grows out of his conception of church history, viewed as a continuous revelation of Christ’s presence and power in humanity” (41).

An organic view of history

Schaff was not a Hegelian. Those who often raise that charge are generally clueless of what Hegel taught. Nonetheless, to be fair, it is easy to see why some would think he was a Hegelian. He spoke of an organic view of history. That in itself is not remarkable. Jesus compared himself to a vine, positing some organic relation between himself and his disciples, yet no one calls Jesus the first Hegel. Schaff, though, does seem to take the analogy a step further. Because the church is a body, it is organic. Because it is organic, so runs the sorites, it grows through a process (507).

Is this a problem? It clearly avoids the more obvious difficulties in Hegel, namely that of pantheism. Schaff is thus cleared of that charge. Is he correct? Here we must be more hesitant. Bold arguments from organic metaphors are dangerous. Not necessarily wrong, but one must urge caution. It is probably true there is a process to history (some form of predestination demands as much). Only a nihilist of Macbeth’s caliber would deny such a view. One gets in trouble, however, when one adopts a God’s-eye view of history and identifies key organic moments. To be fair, Schaff remains relatively free of that consequence.

Conclusion

Reading Schaff is like coming home to an old friend. He is warm and courageous, eschewing what would today be modern academic niceties. Even when he is wrong, he is refreshingly wrong.
I really wish these were in print, I can’t bring myself to read on computer!
 
I really wish these were in print, I can’t bring myself to read on computer!

Some older pastors might have volumes they are willing to part with/donate. Libraries might have them in sales.

His idea of the progress of history is a problem. I will leave it to the philosophers to discuss what this progress means in terms of Hegelian thought, but for Protestantism it will lead to a future development that is disastrous for Protestant theology. Christianity one with nature and a complete identity of church and state will annihilate the doctrines of grace and mediatorial headship of Christ over the church. Development is not necessarily improvement, as Shedd insightfully points out. The tree with a bent branch veers on a horizontal plane, and even if it is fruit-bearing the fruit will be too heavy for the branch and eventually break it. This is how I view Schaff's idea of church history. Theology must grow in a certain direction -- mostly upward, slightly outward; and there is no useful progress which diverts it from this trajectory.

That's a fair point.
 
Yeah, a used print copy is between $200-$300 right now
$200 isnt really bad for an 8 vol. print , HC work though; not bad at all. Also, this work is in a ton of places in ePub. You could get yourself a Kindle and recline like any book and not have to sit in front of a computer. Might want to get used to that now. It will save you bookoo$$$$ with the old guys.
 
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Not to mention that Rome had no Jews whatsoever after their expulsion by Claudius.

This is a good point, although it is not so evident just how long that displacement may have lasted. Schaff's reasoning why Peter could not have led the church in Rome for 25 years is obviously sound. But his intuition that at some point Peter was probably there, and eventually met his martyrdom there, seems equally sound. It is indeed striking just how many writers in the first four centuries, from both Latin and Greek Christianity, concur that Peter was in Rome (e.g., Ignatius, Dionysius, Irenaeus, Gaius, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Eusebius, Lactantius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Jerome, Augustine). Nor are there any registered denials of or challenges to this idea from that time period, Christian or Gnostic - or any suggestions of an alternative placement in terms of where Peter met his earthly end. That is an early historical consensus if there ever was one. I know this prospect is often resisted by Protestants, sometimes quite fiercely, but it is indeed a formidable historical tradition (I might add, in view of another recent thread involving tradition, with no necessary or imposing ecclesial or theological implications).
 
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This is a good point, although it is not so evident just how long this displacement may have lasted. Schaff's reasoning why Peter could not have led the church in Rome for 25 years is obviously sound. But his intuition that at some point Peter was probably there, and eventually met his martyrdom there, seems probable as well. It is indeed striking just how many writers in the first four centuries, from both Latin and Greek Christianity, concur that Peter was in Rome (e.g., Ignatius, Dionysius, Irenaeus, Gaius, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Eusebius, Lactantius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Jerome, Augustine). Nor are there any registered denials of or challenges to this idea from that time period, Christian or Gnostic - or any suggestions of an alternative placement in terms of where Peter met his earthly end. I know this prospect is often resisted by Protestants, sometimes quite fiercely, but it is indeed a formidable historical tradition (I might add, in view of another recent thread involving tradition, with no necessary or imposing ecclesial or theological implications).
I don't have a problem with the idea that he was in Rome at some point, or even died there.

But it seems likely that he spent most of his ministry away from there. The most significant Jewish communities in those days were in Jerusalem and Babylon (thus, we have a Jerusalem Talmud and a Babylonian one), and accordingly, we read that Peter was in Jerusalem (Gal. 1:18) and Babylon (1 Pet. 5:13).
 
I don't have a problem with the idea that he was in Rome at some point, or even died there.

But it seems likely that he spent most of his ministry away from there. The most significant Jewish communities in those days were in Jerusalem and Babylon (thus, we have a Jerusalem Talmud and a Babylonian one), and accordingly, we read that Peter was in Jerusalem (Gal. 1:18) and Babylon (1 Pet. 5:13).
Totally with you here. Given the historical references, he most certainly ended up in Rome, but I think it doubtful he was there in the period covered by Acts up through his epistles.
 
The most significant Jewish communities in those days were in Jerusalem and Babylon (thus, we have a Jerusalem Talmud and a Babylonian one), and accordingly, we read that Peter was in Jerusalem (Gal. 1:18) and Babylon (1 Pet. 5:13).

Thank you. This is why I read online Reformed discussion groups, not just the printed books. I'd never before heard the idea that Peter had been in Babylon, but it makes sense and the text you cite is one I'd never considered.

This is asking a question, not arguing a point. Can you show me some commentaries or classical Reformed authors or ancient church fathers who cited I Peter 5:13 or some other passage or church tradition as evidence for Peter having been in Babylon?
 
Can you show me some commentaries or classical Reformed authors or ancient church fathers who cited I Peter 5:13 or some other passage or church tradition as evidence for Peter having been in Babylon?

Here are the two earliest known opinions:
And they say that Peter when he had learned, through a revelation of the Spirit, of that which had been done, was pleased with the zeal of the men, and that the work obtained the sanction of his authority for the purpose of being used in the churches. Clement in the eighth book of his Hypotyposes gives this account, and with him agrees the bishop of Hierapolis named Papias. And Peter makes mention of Mark in his first epistle which they say that he wrote in Rome itself, as is indicated by him, when he calls the city, by a figure, Babylon, as he does in the following words: “The church that is at Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you; and so doth Marcus my son.”​
(Eusebius, Church History, 2:15.2; c.315 AD)​
Mark the disciple and interpreter of Peter wrote a short gospel at the request of the brethren at Rome embodying what he had heard Peter tell. When Peter had heard this, he approved it and published it to the churches to be read by his authority as Clemens in the sixth book of his Hypotyposes and Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, record. Peter also mentions this Mark in his first epistle, figuratively indicating Rome under the name of Babylon, “She who is in Babylon elect together with you saluteth you, and so doth Mark my son.”​
(Jerome, Lives Of Illustrious Men; Mark the Evangelist; c. 392 AD)​
 
Here are the two earliest known opinions:
And they say that Peter when he had learned, through a revelation of the Spirit, of that which had been done, was pleased with the zeal of the men, and that the work obtained the sanction of his authority for the purpose of being used in the churches. Clement in the eighth book of his Hypotyposes gives this account, and with him agrees the bishop of Hierapolis named Papias. And Peter makes mention of Mark in his first epistle which they say that he wrote in Rome itself, as is indicated by him, when he calls the city, by a figure, Babylon, as he does in the following words: “The church that is at Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you; and so doth Marcus my son.”​
(Eusebius, Church History, 2:15.2; c.315 AD)​
Mark the disciple and interpreter of Peter wrote a short gospel at the request of the brethren at Rome embodying what he had heard Peter tell. When Peter had heard this, he approved it and published it to the churches to be read by his authority as Clemens in the sixth book of his Hypotyposes and Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, record. Peter also mentions this Mark in his first epistle, figuratively indicating Rome under the name of Babylon, “She who is in Babylon elect together with you saluteth you, and so doth Mark my son.”​
(Jerome, Lives Of Illustrious Men; Mark the Evangelist; c. 392 AD)​
Those citation have Peter calling Rome Babylon. Darrell asked about citations of that verse being literal Babylon.
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I’m inclined to think it’s literal Babylon, though.
 
Those citation have Peter calling Rome Babylon. Darrell asked about citations of that verse being literal Babylon.

These quotes have bearing on that question, if in the opposite direction. There are no ECF references suggesting the literal Babylon is in view.
 
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